Sunday, August 16, 2026

A Factual Look at the City of Kingston's Council Record Behind the Campaign Promises


The City of Kingston Votes 2026: What Did They Actually Vote For?

Campaign platforms tell voters what candidates say they will do. Council records show what elected officials actually supported when decisions were placed before them.

Both matter.

As of August 16, 2026, Kingston’s official candidate list shows four active candidates for mayor: Conny Glenn, Vanessa Mensah, Bryan Paterson and Grant William Bedard. Paterson is the current mayor and Glenn the current Sydenham District councillor. Both therefore have a Council record that can be examined. That fact neither advantages nor disadvantages them; it simply provides evidence that does not exist in the same form for candidates who have not served on this Council.

The question is straightforward: When significant choices came before Council, what positions did Paterson and Glenn actually take?

A final Council vote does not always tell the whole story. A member may first support an amendment that reflects their preferred position. If that amendment fails, they may later support the final motion because the broader objective remains acceptable or because compromise is necessary. Both decisions belong in the public record.

This analysis therefore distinguishes:

  • Preferred position — what the member initially sought or supported
  • Council decision — whether that position succeeded
  • Final position — what the member ultimately accepted or rejected

Kingston operates under Ontario’s Strong Mayor framework. The mayor presents the annual budget; Council considers amendments and continues to vote on policies, bylaws, services and spending. Mayoral decisions under that framework are recorded separately. This article treats mayoral decisions, councillor votes, amendments and final Council decisions as distinct rather than interchangeable.


Housing and Homelessness Financing — September 2023

Council was asked to direct staff to examine financing options for additional housing and homelessness initiatives, including the possibility of a special levy. The original motion, moved by Councillor Gregory Ridge and seconded by Paterson, asked staff to examine “all financial tools and options, including a special levy.”

Glenn joined an amendment seeking to remove the special-levy option. She argued that additional taxation could itself increase financial pressure on residents struggling to remain housed. The amendment failed 8–5, with Glenn among the five supporting it.

After Council decided the levy would remain among the options to be examined, Glenn supported the broader final motion seeking the financing report.

Sequence

  • Paterson’s preferred position: examine the full range of financing mechanisms, including a possible levy.
  • Glenn’s preferred position: examine financing mechanisms, but remove the special levy from consideration.
  • Glenn’s final position: support obtaining the broader financing information.

That sequence is more informative than simply noting that both ultimately supported a report. It also raises a clear 2026 question: if Kingston requires substantially more money for housing, homelessness and infrastructure, where does each candidate now draw the line on taxation?


Firefighter Recruitment — June 2023

Glenn introduced a motion calling for Council to mandate a review of Kingston Fire & Rescue’s firefighter recruitment process. Paterson and several councillors opposed requiring the review because Fire Chief Monique Belair had already indicated an administrative review would take place. Glenn’s motion failed 8–3. The Fire Chief nevertheless confirmed that a recruitment review would proceed administratively.

Glenn’s current campaign material has described “Firefighter testing reform (2023)” as something delivered during her Council record. The failed motion does not prove that no subsequent reform occurred. It does, however, create a legitimate factual question: what specific firefighter-testing or recruitment reform was subsequently implemented, and what role did Glenn’s initiative play in bringing it about?

Introducing a motion is an input. Passing a motion is a decision. Changing the recruitment system is an outcome. They are not the same thing.


Community Standards Bylaw — November 2023

Before the final vote on the Community Standards Bylaw, Councillor Lisa Osanic proposed adding “without reasonable excuse” to the prohibition on public urination and defecation. Glenn supported that amendment. It failed 9–3, with Glenn, Osanic and Brandon Tozzo in the minority.

The amended bylaw then passed 10–2. Glenn voted for it. Paterson also supported the final bylaw.

Glenn’s preferred position was that the bylaw should contain an additional qualification protecting someone with a “reasonable excuse.” Council rejected that qualification. Glenn nevertheless supported the broader bylaw. Neither vote erases the other.


Fines for Food — 2024–2026

Glenn introduced the February 2024 motion that led to Kingston’s Fines for Food initiative, directing a period of parking-ticket revenues to support food-security programs. Council later extended the program for five years. By June 2026 the program was generating about $180,000 annually: roughly $100,000 to food banks and pantries and $80,000 to a vertical-farming project.

Whatever voters think of the policy, the accountability chain is clear: Motion → program → funding → measurable output.


Crossroads Village Sleeping Cabins — July 2024

Kingston’s original mobile sleeping-cabin pilot encountered serious problems, including repeated relocation. When Our Livable Solutions returned with a revised proposal for Crossroads Village on land at Crossroads United Church, the circumstances had changed: a longer-term location had emerged and outside/community financing was being pursued.

Council approved support for the revised concept 12–1, with Councillor Jeff McLaren the sole opponent. Both Paterson and Glenn supported the arrangement. The City’s support included planning/legal assistance, potential capital support and conditional transfer of the existing cabins.

A change of position is not necessarily inconsistency if the proposal itself has changed. The serious question is what changed in the facts that justified the different decision.


Police Services Board — October 2024

Paterson proposed expanding the Kingston Police Services Board from five members to seven. Councillor Jeff McLaren sought to amend that proposal and expand it immediately to nine. Glenn supported the nine-member option. The amendment failed 9–3.

Paterson’s original seven-member proposal then passed 12–0. Glenn also supported the final seven-member board.

Looking only at the final vote would show both voting yes. The complete record shows Glenn preferred immediate expansion to nine while Paterson preferred expansion to seven first. After her preferred option failed, she supported the compromise.


Integrity Commissioner Sanctions — December 2024

Council considered an Integrity Commissioner’s findings that Councillor Jeff McLaren had breached confidentiality provisions of Kingston’s Code of Conduct. The Commissioner recommended a reprimand and a 30-day suspension of pay. Council separated the two sanctions.

The reprimand passed 10–2, with Glenn and Lisa Osanic opposed. The 30-day pay suspension passed 9–3, with Glenn, Osanic and Gary Oosterhof opposed. Paterson supported both sanctions.

Glenn argued that the lengthy investigation had already amounted to sufficient punishment. The record establishes a narrower point: Paterson accepted the Commissioner’s recommended sanctions; Glenn believed the additional punishment was disproportionate under the circumstances. Voters can decide which approach to institutional accountability they prefer.


Memorial Centre Stadium — January 2025

Council was asked whether City staff should open negotiations with a private proponent proposing an approximately $50-million multi-use soccer stadium on public land at the Memorial Centre. The decision was not final approval to build; it was authorization to investigate and negotiate a potential long-term lease.

Council voted 9–3 to proceed. The three opponents were Lisa Osanic, Vincent Cinanni and Brandon Tozzo. Glenn was among the nine supporting further negotiations. Paterson also supported proceeding, stressing that the decision was about exploring the opportunity rather than finally approving it.

The proponent later withdrew the proposal after legal and other difficulties emerged. Subsequent neighbourhood criticism focused on how the unsolicited proposal had reached Council and on limited early public involvement. Both Paterson and Glenn initially supported continuing the process. For Glenn, whose campaign emphasizes earlier public engagement, a fair question is what lessons she took from the Memorial Centre process and what she would do differently as mayor.


Limestone City Co-operative Housing — March 2025

Limestone City Co-operative Housing sought to build approximately 248 units in a proposed $136-million development incorporating co-operative housing and vertical farming on City-owned land at 900 Division Street. Council faced a fundamental choice: continue attempting to make the municipal land available for the co-operative proposal, or sell the property and use the proceeds for other affordable-housing purposes.

Glenn supported continuing with the co-operative proposal. Paterson opposed that approach, arguing that the City needed to consider the opportunity cost of tying up scarce municipal land where financing and ultimate construction remained uncertain. The co-op option failed 7–4, with Glenn among the minority; Paterson supported selling the land.

Neither position can fairly be reduced to “for housing” versus “against housing.” Both claimed an affordable-housing objective. The disagreement concerned how City land and public resources should be used to achieve it.


City Park Baseball Fencing — February 2025

After Kingston invested more than $1 million in the City Park baseball facility for the 2024 Canadian Little League Championships, controversy arose over whether outfield fencing initially understood to be temporary should remain. When Council reconsidered the matter, Glenn supported removing the permanent home-run fence and purchasing temporary fencing instead. Council rejected that approach. The final option—to leave the existing fence in place—passed 9–4, with Glenn one of the four opponents.

Glenn emphasized the City’s previous assurances to neighbourhood residents. The majority emphasized expense, safety and the benefits of maintaining a tournament-quality facility. This is not one of Kingston’s largest financial decisions, but it is useful evidence concerning public trust and commitments made during consultation.


Sydenham Road Homeless Shelter — July 2025

The proposed emergency shelter at 924 Sydenham Road generated substantial opposition, including a petition containing 742 signatures. Councillor Paul Chaves moved to remove the site from consideration. That motion failed 8–5.

Both Paterson and Glenn voted against removing the site, meaning both supported continuing with the planned shelter location. Paterson subsequently proposed that staff review the shelter after six months of operation; Council supported that review requirement.

On this major and controversial homelessness decision, Paterson and Glenn were substantially aligned. That shared responsibility belongs in the record just as clearly as their disagreements.


Confederation Basin Water Park — July 2025

Council considered approximately $3 million in expanded waterfront amenities connected with the Confederation Basin Promenade, including an inflatable water park, swimming facilities and a private contribution tied to naming rights. Paterson supported proceeding.

Glenn first attempted to defer the decision until September so that additional public consultation could take place. Her deferral motion failed narrowly, 7–6. The substantive project then passed 8–5, with Glenn opposed.

In 2026 the inflatable-water-park component was discontinued after the City and private proponent could not reach a final agreement, although other waterfront components continued. The original decision, the consultation dispute and the eventual outcome can all be examined.


92 Napier Street Housing — August 2025

Council faced another significant housing disagreement over a proposal at 92 Napier Street involving four three-storey buildings with a total of 40 bedrooms. City planning staff recommended approval. Glenn opposed the development, arguing that it represented the wrong form and density of housing for the neighbourhood. Paterson supported it and warned that rejecting a development consistent with relevant planning policies created a very high risk of losing an appeal before the Ontario Land Tribunal. Council rejected the application 7–6.

Placed beside the Limestone Co-op decision, the contrast is instructive:

  • At Limestone, Glenn supported the proposed 248-unit co-operative project; Paterson opposed proceeding with that particular land arrangement.
  • At Napier, Paterson supported the additional housing; Glenn opposed that particular development.

Labels such as “pro-housing” and “anti-housing” are practically useless. Housing decisions involve type, density, location, affordability, neighbourhood impact, municipal risk and provincial planning law. Candidates should explain the principles that determine where they draw those lines.


Child Safety Zones — October and November 2025

Glenn initially brought forward a proposal to create 50-metre child-safety zones around specified areas such as playgrounds, schools and sports facilities, with restrictions involving temporary shelters, drug paraphernalia and open-air drug use. Legal and human-rights concerns emerged during the October debate. Rather than force the original proposal to a likely defeat, Glenn withdrew it.

She returned in November with a more limited proposal: first obtain formal legal advice before deciding whether to amend the bylaws. That revised motion passed 12–1. Paterson supported it and successfully broadened the legal review to include other public places where children gather. His amendment passed unanimously.

The legislative history is: original proposal → legal concerns → withdrawal → narrower proposal → Paterson amendment → 12–1 approval. Voters can decide whether they see it as prudent adaptation, an initially overbroad proposal, or both.


Water and Wastewater Municipal Service Corporation — June 2026

Council considered creating a municipally controlled corporation to oversee Kingston’s approximately $3.2 billion in water and wastewater assets. The proposal was intended in part to give the utility greater borrowing flexibility and separate significant utility infrastructure debt from the City’s own borrowing capacity.

Glenn first sought to change the recommendation so that Council would merely “explore” the municipal service corporation rather than “endorse” it. That amendment failed. Paterson opposed the amendment, arguing that the model had already been explored for approximately two years. Council then voted 8–4 to proceed with endorsement. Paterson voted yes; Glenn voted no.

Other amendments were adopted unanimously requiring continued public ownership, public and Council representation, reporting requirements and additional work on the shareholder agreement.

This is one of the clearest examples of the first-vote principle in the term:

  • Glenn’s preferred position: continue exploring rather than endorse.
  • Council rejected that position.
  • Glenn’s final position: vote against endorsement.
  • Paterson’s position: proceed toward the new corporate structure, subject to safeguards and later approvals.

Because Kingston faces major long-term infrastructure requirements, this could become one of the most important policy distinctions of the 2026 campaign.


What the Record Shows — and What It Does Not

After reviewing these decisions, there is no evidence supporting a simplistic story in which Paterson and Glenn are consistently on opposite sides. Sometimes they clearly disagree. Sometimes their initial preferences differ but they ultimately support the same compromise. Sometimes they vote together from the outset. And sometimes one initiates a proposal while the other subsequently helps modify or support it. That is normal government.

The record does, however, show several genuine areas of difference:

  • On some housing proposals, Paterson placed greater weight on development feasibility, land opportunity cost or planning requirements, while Glenn placed greater weight on particular housing models or neighbourhood compatibility.
  • On some consultation questions, Glenn sought additional delay or adherence to earlier commitments (notably at Confederation Basin and City Park).
  • On the water/wastewater corporation, Paterson was prepared to proceed toward a new financing structure while Glenn wanted further exploration rather than endorsement.

Yet on the Sydenham Road shelter and Crossroads Village, both supported substantial homelessness initiatives. That is a far more complicated—and more useful—record than campaign labels provide.

Key differences at a glance

IssuePatersonGlenn
Limestone Co-op landSupport selling the landSupport continuing with co-op proposal
92 Napier Street housingSupport the developmentOppose the development
Water/Wastewater corporationEndorse proceedingPrefer further exploration; opposed final
Confederation Basin amenitiesSupport proceedingPrefer deferral for consultation; then no
Integrity Commissioner sanctionsSupport both recommended sanctionsOpposed both as disproportionate

Why We Do Not Calculate a “Voting Together” Percentage

It might be tempting to say “Paterson and Glenn voted together X per cent of the time.” That approach is not recommended. Recorded votes are not a random sample of everything Council does. Many routine measures pass unanimously or without individually recorded votes. Some of the most consequential decisions involve amendments, procedural votes or Strong Mayor powers.

Kingston’s Open Data portal provides Council voting records, but the public dataset is currently marked as updated to April 10, 2025. For later decisions, this article supplemented that material with Council records and contemporaneous reporting. A percentage could produce mathematical precision while concealing political meaning. The issues matter more than the count.


What About Vanessa Mensah and Grant Bedard?

Mensah and Bedard are also current candidates for mayor, but neither is a member of the present Kingston Council. They therefore do not have a comparable 2022–2026 Council voting record. That should not count against them. Their accountability test must instead come from their published platforms and their answers to questions concerning what they will do, what it will cost, who will pay, when it will happen, whether the City has the authority to do it, and how success will be measured. The standard remains the same; the available evidence differs.


Questions the Record Now Creates for Bryan Paterson

  • On housing, why did selling the Limestone Co-op property represent the better affordable-housing strategy while approving the Napier Street development was considered important despite neighbourhood objections?
  • On consultation, where should a mayor draw the line between further public engagement and making a timely decision?
  • On infrastructure, why is the new municipal service corporation preferable to increased taxation, conventional borrowing, higher utility rates or reductions elsewhere?
  • Under Strong Mayor budgeting, what maximum total property-tax increase can a mayor realistically promise when external-agency costs may move independently of the municipal portion?

Questions the Record Now Creates for Conny Glenn

  • On housing, what principle explains supporting the large Limestone co-operative proposal while opposing the smaller Napier Street development?
  • On taxation, if a special levy is undesirable, how would additional housing, homelessness and infrastructure commitments be financed?
  • On consultation, what specific procedural reforms would ensure that public involvement occurs before decisions reach the point where a councillor must seek a last-minute deferral?
  • On infrastructure, if the water/wastewater corporation should not yet have been endorsed, what financing alternative should Kingston pursue?
  • Concerning the firefighter-recruitment issue, what specific reform followed the failed 2023 Council motion and what measurable change resulted?

These are not accusations of contradiction. They ask each candidate to explain the governing principle behind different decisions.


The Most Important Lesson

Our Kingston election project now gives voters four increasingly useful levels of evidence:

  1. What happened? (The Kingston 2022–2026 Report Card)
  2. What position did an elected candidate initially prefer? (The amendment, motion or first substantive decision)
  3. What did that candidate ultimately accept or reject? (The final Council decision)
  4. What is that candidate promising now? (The 2026 campaign platform)

Put those together: Record → First Position → Final Decision → Promise

Then ask one final question: Does the new promise make sense in light of the previous record?

That is not partisan. It is accountability.


The Responsibility Test

A candidate says housing is a priority? Examine the housing votes. A candidate promises transparency and consultation? Examine what happened when consultation was disputed. A candidate promises fiscal responsibility? Examine taxation, financing structures, land decisions and major capital commitments. A candidate promises public safety? Examine Community Standards, policing governance and shelter decisions. A candidate promises accountability? Examine what happened when accountability itself came before Council.

And when a first vote and a final vote differ? Show both. Do not assume bad motives. Do not erase the first position. Do not conceal the final compromise.

Give voters the complete sequence and allow them to decide what it means.

We provide the facts. The candidates provide their explanations. The voters make the judgment.


Research and Editorial Note — August 16, 2026

This article draws on Kingston’s official Council Voting Records and Mayoral Decision Registry, City Council and budget material, and contemporaneous Kingston-area reporting used to establish the circumstances and individual positions surrounding significant votes. The City’s Council Voting Records dataset is currently marked updated to April 10, 2025; its separate Mayoral Decision Registry remains available for decisions made under Strong Mayor authority. Where an individual’s vote could not be established with sufficient confidence, it has not been attributed. Where a proposal was merely studied or negotiated rather than finally approved or completed, this article says so. Where an initial position differed from a final vote, both have been reported.

No candidate is endorsed, opposed, ranked or graded. The purpose is to give Kingston voters factual information with which to ask better questions and make their own decision.

Friday, August 14, 2026

Kingston 2022–2026: What Did We Spend, and What Results Can We Measure?

 


A Factual Pre-Election Report Card for Kingston, Ontario Canada Voters

Before Kingston voters compare what candidates for mayor are promising for the next four years, perhaps there is an even more fundamental question to ask:

What actually happened during the last four?

What happened to property taxes?

How much did municipal spending increase?

Did Kingston build more housing?

Did housing become more affordable?

Did homelessness decline?

How much public money was spent addressing homelessness—and who actually supplied that money?

Did investment in roads and infrastructure keep pace with deterioration?

Did transit recover?

Did municipal efforts to recruit family doctors produce measurable results?

And when major projects were announced, were they actually completed?

These are not questions about political personalities.

They are questions about results and responsibility.

This report does not endorse or oppose Mayor Bryan Paterson, any individual councillor, or any candidate seeking office in 2026.

Nor should every City-wide result automatically be credited to—or blamed upon—one elected official.

Council acts collectively. Professional staff administer programs. Police and other boards have separate responsibilities. Housing and homelessness involve the County of Frontenac, non-profit organizations, private developers, Ontario and Ottawa. Healthcare is principally a provincial responsibility.

Our purpose is narrower:

Establish what can be verified about Kingston's record during the present municipal term; identify the public resources committed; compare those inputs with measurable outcomes wherever possible; disclose where information remains incomplete; and leave the judgment to Kingston voters.


First: What Period Are We Actually Measuring?

Kingston's next municipal election will be held Monday, October 26, 2026. Ontario municipal council terms run for four years; the present Ontario council term began November 15, 2022 and ends November 14, 2026, while the newly elected 2026 council term will run from November 15, 2026 through November 14, 2030.

That creates two important accounting rules.

2022 is primarily our baseline.

Most of calendar 2022 occurred before the current Council took office.

We therefore should not attribute the 2022 municipal budget or most 2022 outcomes to the Council elected that October.

The first full annual operating budget adopted during the present Council term was the 2023 budget, approved March 21, 2023 at $429,374,207 for the General Municipal tax-supported operating budget.

2026 is not yet complete.

This report is being prepared on August 14, 2026.

The present Council remains in office until November 14, and full-year 2026 audited results obviously cannot exist before voters cast their ballots on October 26. Therefore, wherever this report refers to 2026, those figures are identified as approved budgets, current rates, project status or latest available results—not final year-end outcomes.

This is properly a pre-election report card, not a final post-term audit.


Spending Is Not the Same as Results

Before looking at individual issues, another distinction is essential.

If Council allocates $10 million to housing, that is an input.

If homes are built and occupied, that is an output.

If housing becomes more available or affordable as a result, that is an outcome.

Likewise:

A motion passed is not necessarily a project completed.

Money budgeted is not necessarily money actually spent.

A housing permit is not a completed home.

A shelter bed is not permanent housing.

A project approved is not a project delivered.

And provincial or federal money administered through City Hall is not automatically money paid by Kingston property taxpayers.

Throughout this report, we attempt to keep those distinctions clear.


Property Taxes: What Did the Same House Experience?

Annual headline tax increases can be difficult to compare because different years may present municipal, capital and external-agency components differently.

There is a more tangible approach:

Hold the assessment of the same house constant and apply Kingston's actual final residential tax rates.

Kingston has different fire-service tax rates in its Central, West and East areas. The published 2024 residential total rates were 0.01478321 Central, 0.01401663 West and 0.01365320 East. In 2025 they became 0.01551784, 0.01477511 and 0.01437088 respectively; in 2026 they are 0.01605435, 0.01533257 and 0.01491279. These totals incorporate the applicable municipal, fire, garbage and education components for the residential category; garbage is not levied on condominiums.

Using an unchanged assessment of $328,099 solely as a comparison:

Same $328,099 Assessment202420252026Change 2024–2026
Central~$4,850~$5,091~$5,267+$417 / 8.6%
West~$4,599~$4,848~$5,031+$432 / 9.4%
East~$4,480~$4,715~$4,893+$413 / 9.2%

This is not intended to represent every Kingston homeowner's actual bill.

It deliberately freezes the property's assessed value so that we can see what changing tax rates alone would do.

For 2026, the City's headline tax increase is 3.75%, consisting of 1.35% municipal tax-rate increase, 1% for capital purposes and 1.4% for external agencies.

That distinction also matters.

There is only one taxpayer writing the cheque, but not every portion of that cheque is controlled in exactly the same way by the mayor and Council.

So the relevant 2026 election question is not merely:

Did property taxes increase?

They did.

The better question for every candidate is:

What annual property-tax increase do you consider sustainable during 2027–2030, and under what circumstances would you exceed it?


Municipal Spending: A Larger Operating Budget

The first full tax-supported operating budget of the present Council term was $429.37 million in 2023.

For 2026, the City's municipal operating budget is $530.4 million, accompanied by a $135.8-million capital budget. The 2026 capital program includes $75 million for transportation and related infrastructure and $10 million for affordable and supportive housing.

That represents a substantial increase in nominal operating dollars during the term.

It does not by itself prove either waste or good management.

Inflation affects wages, construction, fuel, equipment and contracts. Population and service demands change. External agencies create costs. New services may be added.

The proper question is therefore:

As the amount of money being spent increased, what measurable improvements did residents receive?

That is the test we apply throughout this report.


Housing: Kingston Built More

Housing is one area where the evidence establishes substantial physical activity.

In January 2024, the federal government awarded Kingston $27.6 million through the Housing Accelerator Fund. Kingston's plan contains nine initiatives, and the federal agreement was intended to fast-track approximately 890 additional housing units over three years.

Ontario subsequently reported that Kingston broke ground on 966 homes in 2024, equal to 145% of its provincially assigned annual target.

In 2025, Kingston recorded another 1,011 housing starts, exceeding that year's provincial target by 26%.

These are housing starts.

They should not be confused with:

permits issued,

projects approved,

or

homes ultimately occupied.

Nevertheless, they demonstrate substantial housing construction activity.


Affordable Housing: Keep the Categories Separate

Another important lesson from reviewing Kingston's housing record is that governments often report several different housing categories together.

We should not.

There is an important difference between:

permanent affordable housing,

supportive housing,

transitional accommodation,

residential treatment beds,

and

emergency shelter beds.

All can serve legitimate purposes.

They are not interchangeable.

Kingston's affordable-housing programs include municipal capital assistance to private and non-profit housing providers in exchange for long-term affordability commitments. The City says the minimum affordability period under its capital investment program is 20 years.

The 2026 budget also includes the previously noted $10 million for affordable and supportive housing.

The proper accountability question is therefore not merely:

How many housing spaces did government announce?

It is:

How many permanent affordable homes were actually completed and occupied, how many supportive or transitional spaces were delivered, and what did each category cost?


More Housing Does Not Automatically Mean Affordable Housing

Kingston's housing-start numbers demonstrate increased supply.

That is important.

But increased supply does not, by itself, establish that ordinary families, young people, seniors or lower-income residents can afford the resulting rents or purchase prices.

The City itself distinguishes government-supported affordable units from ordinary private-market rental housing; its affordable-housing program defines qualifying units through below-market rents and long-term affordability agreements.

That means every candidate promising “affordable” or “attainable” housing should eventually answer:

Affordable at what monthly rent?

Affordable at what purchase price?

Affordable to what household income?

And how many such homes will actually exist by 2030?

Otherwise the word “affordable” can mean almost anything.


Homelessness: Better Measurement, But the Problem Remains Large

Homelessness is perhaps the clearest test of the difference between government activity and government outcome.

Kingston's By-Name List is a continuously updated list of known individuals experiencing homelessness. The City's open-data description makes clear that it is a monthly measure of known individuals, rather than a one-day census of every homeless person in the community.

By early 2026, community reporting based on the local By-Name List identified approximately 572 individuals experiencing homelessness.

There is an important qualification.

Kingston has substantially improved the quality of its homelessness data. In April 2026, the Canadian Alliance to End Homelessness recognized Kingston for achieving Quality By-Name Data 4.0 and meeting federal Coordinated Access requirements. Better identification and tracking can itself cause more people to become visible in the data.

So we should not claim that every increase in the By-Name List represents an equivalent number of newly homeless people.

But neither should we obscure the central outcome:

Hundreds of known individuals continue to experience homelessness in Kingston and the surrounding service area despite substantial expansion of services and public spending.

The next Council therefore inherits an unresolved problem.


What Has Homelessness Cost?

This is one area where a large headline total could easily mislead voters.

Kingston is the local housing and homelessness service manager, but money comes from several places:

Kingston municipal funds

Frontenac County recovery

Ontario

Ottawa

and sometimes other sources.

The spending also includes fundamentally different items:

annual shelter operations

property acquisition

building renovation

supportive housing

transitional housing

and broader affordable-housing investments.

One of the clearest examples comes from the City's published shelter funding.

For the 2025 shelter system, the City identifies:

  • $1,482,562 in municipal funding, including Frontenac County recovery

  • $3,408,416 from Ontario's Homelessness Prevention Program.

That is approximately $4.89 million in shelter funding.

But it would be wrong to write:

“Kingston taxpayers spent $4.89 million.”

A substantial majority of that particular funding came from Ontario.

That distinction is essential.


A Better Homelessness-Funding Table

The public record allows us to classify the money more carefully:

Expense/FundingSourceHow It Should Be Reported
Shelter operating fundingKingston/Frontenac + OntarioSeparate municipal/County and provincial portions
Provincial Homelessness Prevention ProgramOntarioNot Kingston property-tax money
Federal Housing Accelerator / related federal programsCanadaNot Kingston property-tax money
Property purchasesCapital expenditureSeparate from annual shelter operations
Renovations/constructionCapital expenditureSeparate from operations
Supportive housingHousing programSeparate from emergency shelters
Transitional housingTemporary housing programSeparate from permanent affordable housing
Affordable housingHousing capital/program spendingNot automatically homelessness-only spending

That may seem like accounting detail.

It is actually fundamental to an honest discussion about taxpayers' money.

We should follow three rules:

Do not count the same provincial or federal dollar twice.

Do not call senior-government funding Kingston municipal-tax spending.

Do not treat the purchase of a capital asset as though it were simply an annual operating expense.

For those reasons, I do not recommend publishing one supposedly precise four-year “cost of homelessness” number unless the City produces a reconciled ledger that eliminates overlaps among these categories.


The Real Homelessness Question Is About Results

Once funding is properly separated, the more important question remains:

What changed?

If public spending increased:

How many people entered permanent housing?

How many remained housed six or twelve months later?

How many individuals moved through shelters and transitional housing?

How many remained chronically homeless?

How many returned to homelessness?

Those should ultimately become the outcome measures.

The existence of another shelter is an input.

A person permanently leaving homelessness is the outcome.

That is what the next mayor and Council should be required to measure publicly.


Roads: The $35-Million Commitment

The City's 2023–2026 Strategic Plan included a particularly useful promise because it attached a dollar amount:

Invest an additional $35 million over four years to repair roads in poor condition.

The 2024 capital budget expressly identifies $8 million of that $35-million commitment as part of approximately $30 million invested that year in roads, bridges and stormwater.

The 2026 capital budget contains $75 million for transportation and related infrastructure, but that broader total includes considerably more than the special road-repair initiative.

This is one place where the public record we reviewed does not give us a clean year-by-year reconciliation of the special $35 million.

We therefore should not state either:

“The entire $35 million was spent.”

or

“Council failed to spend the $35 million.”

We cannot presently prove either proposition from one reconciled public table.

Verification Note

Council committed to invest an additional $35 million over four years to repair roads in poor condition. Published budget material expressly identifies $8 million of that commitment in 2024, while later budgets contain substantial road and transportation investments. However, this review has not located a single public reconciliation showing exactly how much was budgeted and spent against the special $35-million commitment in each of 2023, 2024, 2025 and 2026. The final amount is therefore left unconfirmed rather than estimated.

That is a limitation in the evidence—not a political conclusion.


Infrastructure: The Bigger Problem Goes Far Beyond $35 Million

The larger infrastructure picture may be far more consequential.

Kingston's 2025 Asset Management Plan Updates and Financial Strategy puts the current capital replacement value of the assets covered by the analysis at approximately $8.3 billion. The analysis excludes Utilities Kingston's water, wastewater, natural-gas and water-heater assets.

The City's forecasted capital budget provides an average of approximately $78.7 million annually for asset renewal, compared with a target annual reinvestment benchmark of approximately $182.6 million. The City's analysis calculates that fully maintaining current service levels would require substantially more—about $282.1 million annually on average—and projects a $3.7-billion state-of-good-repair backlog by 2035 under the current forecasted-budget scenario.

The City's proposed alternative would increase average annual renewal investment to approximately $127.9 million, reducing—but not eliminating—the projected backlog.

These are forecasts, not bills due tomorrow.

But they reveal a fundamental reality facing the next Council:

Kingston cannot promise indefinitely to improve infrastructure, keep every existing service, avoid additional revenues, avoid debt and keep taxes low without confronting the arithmetic.

Choices will be necessary.

Taxes?

A larger infrastructure levy?

User fees?

Borrowing?

Development charges?

Senior-government grants?

Delayed replacement?

Reduced services elsewhere?

The City's own asset plan specifically recommends developing a long-term infrastructure financing strategy and discusses dedicated revenue tools including the existing 1% infrastructure levy.

This may ultimately be one of the most important issues in the 2026 election.


Transit: A Measurable Recovery, With Work Still to Do

Kingston Transit recorded 6.1 million annual riders in 2023. The City's Transit Service Review describes that as part of substantial long-term ridership growth.

That is a measurable outcome.

The City is nevertheless undertaking a comprehensive service review addressing frequency, boundaries, accessibility, availability, directness and reliability.

So the transit record should not be reduced either to:

“Transit succeeded.”

or

“Transit failed.”

The evidence supports a more useful conclusion:

Ridership recovered substantially, while service design, reliability and future expansion remain active issues.

The next step in accountability should be publication of consistent annual measures:

ridership

service hours

on-time performance

cancellations

fare revenue

municipal subsidy

and

cost per passenger trip.

Then residents can evaluate both usage and efficiency.


Physician Recruitment: An Example of What Accountability Can Look Like

Kingston's family-physician recruitment program is one of the clearest examples of public spending linked to measurable results.

As of June 2024, the City reported:

  • 17 new doctors recruited

  • continued care for 11,200 patients of retiring doctors

  • approximately 4,100 new patients accepted

  • and a total municipal investment of approximately $3 million.

People can legitimately debate whether municipalities should have to spend local tax dollars filling gaps in a healthcare system primarily controlled by Ontario.

But from an accountability perspective, this program provides what taxpayers should request elsewhere:

Money → Program → Result

How much did we spend?

What did government do?

How many people benefited?

Whether one agrees with the policy or not, the results can be evaluated.


Public Safety: Where the Evidence Is Incomplete, Say So

Public safety is important, but the available multi-year statistics require caution.

A cyber incident affecting Kingston Police disrupted portions of its information and statistical systems during the term, making simple full-year comparisons problematic.

The correct response is not to ignore public safety.

It is also not to manufacture a trend from periods that are not directly comparable.

So this Report Card should take the conservative position:

Police budgets and staffing can be evaluated, but no definitive four-year crime trend should be presented until a genuinely comparable reconstructed statistical series is available.

Sometimes “the data are insufficient” is the most responsible conclusion.


Major Projects: Announced, Started or Actually Completed?

One of the most useful distinctions voters can make is between:

announced

studied

approved

funded

under construction

and

completed.

Governments understandably discuss projects at every stage.

But voters should not confuse stages.


Confederation Basin Promenade

The Confederation Basin Promenade provides a particularly clear example.

The project remains in detailed design. The City currently says planning and design work will continue, with construction anticipated to begin in 2027. Its broader parks-project schedule currently lists an anticipated completion in 2028.

Status:

Not completed during the present Council term.

Planning/design continuing.

Construction and completion now extend into the next Council term.

This does not tell voters whether the project itself is good or bad.

It simply tells them where it actually stands.


Other Capital Projects Should Be Reported the Same Way

The principle should apply universally:

If the facility is open—say it is completed.

If construction is underway—say it is under construction.

If Council has only approved funding—say it is funded.

If staff are still designing it—say it is in design.

If an expected completion date changes—publish both the original and revised date.

That is much more useful than putting everything under the heading “delivered.”


Major-Project Accountability Could Be Much Simpler

The next Council could improve transparency considerably by publishing a single table for every major capital project:

Accountability ItemPublicly Report
Original approved budget$_____
Current approved budget$_____
Original completion date_____
Current completion date_____
Amount spent to date$_____
Current stageDesign / Procurement / Construction / Complete
Reason for major delay_____
Reason for major cost increase_____

Such a table would make it much easier for taxpayers to distinguish government activity from government delivery.


Leadership Continuity: A Fact Voters Can Judge for Themselves

One event during the current municipal term should also be recorded factually without attaching a political conclusion to it.

In 2025, Mayor Bryan Paterson took a leave of absence from City Council during the federal election campaign while seeking a seat in Parliament.

He subsequently returned to the mayor's office.

This Report Card does not characterize that decision as either right or wrong.

The fact simply creates a reasonable question that can be put equally to anyone seeking the office in 2026:

Will you commit, barring extraordinary circumstances, to serving the complete 2026–2030 term if elected mayor?

The voter can decide how important the answer is.


The Kingston 2022–2026 Record at a Glance

AreaWhat the Evidence Shows
Reporting periodCurrent Ontario municipal term runs Nov. 15, 2022–Nov. 14, 2026; 2026 data are therefore necessarily incomplete before Election Day
Property taxesOn the same frozen $328,099 assessment, published rates produce roughly an 8.6%–9.4% increase from 2024 to 2026 depending on fire area
Operating budget$429.37M in 2023 → $530.4M in 2026
2026 capital budget$135.8M
Housing supply966 housing starts in 2024; 1,011 in 2025
Federal housing support$27.6M Housing Accelerator Fund agreement
Affordable housingPublic investment and new units are being delivered, but permanent, supportive, transitional and shelter categories should be reported separately
HomelessnessApproximately 572 known individuals were recorded in early 2026; data quality has improved, but homelessness remains substantial
Shelter funding2025 shelter funding included ~$1.48M municipal/County and ~$3.41M Ontario HPP money
Road commitment$35M additional commitment exists; $8M is explicitly identified in 2024, but complete four-year reconciliation has not been located
Infrastructure~$8.3B asset base covered by 2025 analysis; forecast renewal funding remains well below identified long-term requirements
Transit6.1M annual riders in 2023; comprehensive service review underway
Physician recruitment$3M investment; 17 doctors recruited by June 2024; 11,200 retiring-doctor patients maintained and ~4,100 additional patients accepted
Public safetySpending can be assessed, but cyber-related statistical disruption limits clean four-year crime comparisons
Major projectsRecord includes projects completed or advanced, as well as projects such as Confederation Basin whose construction/completion moved beyond the current term

The table contains no grade.

No candidate ranking.

No political winner or loser.

It simply establishes a factual starting point.


What Can We Fairly Say?

Several conclusions appear well supported.

Kingston built more housing.

Housing starts were substantial and exceeded provincial annual targets in both 2024 and 2025.

Housing affordability remains a separate question.

A city can increase supply without automatically making every new home affordable to lower- or middle-income households. Kingston's own programs distinguish long-term affordable units from ordinary market housing.

Homelessness remains unresolved.

Kingston improved its data systems and continued investing in shelters and housing services, but hundreds of known individuals remain homeless.

Infrastructure presents a significant long-term financial challenge.

The City's own 2025 modelling identifies a large gap between forecast renewal spending and what would be required to maintain current service levels.

Transit usage recovered substantially.

The City's service review records 6.1 million annual riders in 2023, while also identifying the need for continued modernization of service standards.

Physician recruitment produced measurable results.

The City can identify the money invested, doctors recruited and patients served.

Some capital initiatives will extend beyond the current Council term.

Confederation Basin is one clear example, with construction now anticipated to begin in 2027 and completion shown in the City's project inventory for 2028.


What We Should Not Say

The evidence does not justify saying:

“Nothing was accomplished.”

That would ignore measurable housing construction, transit use, physician recruitment and other work.

Nor does it justify saying:

“Everything promised was delivered.”

That would ignore unresolved homelessness, long-term infrastructure pressures, incomplete commitments and projects moving beyond original timelines.

It would also be misleading to add every municipal, provincial and federal housing or homelessness dollar together and describe it as a Kingston property-tax cost.

And where data are incomplete, such as the precise year-by-year reconciliation of the special $35-million roads commitment, we should say exactly that.

Credibility comes partly from knowing when not to make a claim.


The Most Important Lesson: Spending Is Not the Result

Perhaps the strongest conclusion from this entire exercise is this:

Never ask only what government spent. Ask what changed because it spent it.

Kingston spent money on housing.

How many homes were actually produced?

Kingston and other governments spent money addressing homelessness.

How many people became permanently housed?

Kingston spent money recruiting physicians.

How many doctors arrived and how many patients gained care?

Kingston invests in roads and infrastructure.

What physical condition will taxpayers receive for that investment?

Kingston funds major projects.

Were they completed at the promised cost and by the promised date?

That is the difference between accounting for money and accounting for government.


Questions This Record Creates for Every Mayoral Candidate

This Report Card should not end the election discussion.

It should begin it.

Property Taxes

What maximum annual property-tax increase will you seek, and under what circumstances would you exceed it?

Spending

What new spending are you proposing, and what existing expenditures—if any—would you reduce to pay for it?

Infrastructure

Kingston's own asset analysis identifies a major long-term renewal funding gap. How will you finance it: taxation, a larger infrastructure levy, borrowing, user fees, development charges, senior-government grants, lower service levels, reductions elsewhere, or some combination?

Roads

Will you publish annually how much is spent on normal road maintenance and how much represents additional strategic road investment?

Housing

How many homes will your policies actually produce by 2030, and how many will meet a clearly defined affordability standard?

Homelessness

What measurable reduction in homelessness will you commit to achieving by 2030, what will it cost, and which government will finance each component?

Transit

What ridership, reliability, fare and municipal-subsidy targets will you establish?

Healthcare

Will the City continue physician incentives, and if so, how many doctors and newly attached patients should taxpayers expect for the money?

Major Projects

Will every major capital project publicly disclose original cost, current cost, original completion date, current completion date and amount spent?

Full-Term Commitment

If elected mayor, will you commit to serving the complete 2026–2030 municipal term except in extraordinary circumstances?

Accountability

Will you publish an annual report listing each campaign promise as completed, underway, delayed or unfulfilled, together with the money spent and measurable result?

Those questions should be put to every candidate.


Kingston's Record Is Not a Political Slogan

The evidence does not produce a convenient one-line judgment.

There are measurable accomplishments.

There are unresolved problems.

There are substantial expenditures.

There are programs where outcomes can be demonstrated.

There are other programs where activity is easier to measure than results.

There are completed projects.

There are projects carrying into the next term.

And there are areas where the public information remains incomplete.

That is the reality of governing a city.

The role of this Report Card is not to simplify that reality until it fits a political argument.

It is to present it as fairly as possible.


From the Record to the 2026 Election

This Report Card should now become the factual bridge between our individual candidate analyses and the final comparison of the four mayoral platforms.

The sequence matters.

First:

What happened during the present term?

Then:

What does each candidate propose to do next?

Then:

What will it cost?

Then:

Who pays?

Then:

When will it happen?

Then:

What measurable result should Kingston expect by 2030?

Only after voters have those answers does the political judgment properly begin.


The Responsibility Test

Democracy does more than give citizens an opportunity to cast a ballot.

It asks them to make a judgment about who should exercise public authority.

Kingston residents should not have to make that judgment on slogans alone.

Nor should commentators make the decision for them.

Voters deserve:

Facts.

Costs.

Results.

Timelines.

Unresolved problems.

And questions that require real answers.

The 2022–2026 record contains all of them.

Some measurable indicators improved.

Some serious problems remain unresolved.

Some public spending produced identifiable results.

In other areas, the relationship between money spent and results achieved is much less clear.

Some projects were delivered.

Others continue into the next term.

And in several areas, the public record itself could be easier for taxpayers to follow.

That is the factual starting point.

Now the people seeking Kingston's mayor's office should explain what they intend to do with the next four years.

Then the decision belongs exactly where it should:

With the voters of Kingston.


Research and Editorial Note — August 14, 2026

This is a pre-election report, not a final audited review of the complete 2022–2026 Council term. The current Ontario municipal term does not end until November 14, 2026, while Kingston voters go to the polls on October 26. Accordingly, 2022 is generally used as the starting baseline, 2023 as the first full budget year of the current Council, and 2026 figures are identified as approved budgets or the latest available information rather than final year-end results.

The analysis relies primarily on City of Kingston budgets, tax-rate schedules and bylaws, housing and homelessness material, asset-management reports, project information, Ontario housing-start data and other official public records.

Where figures measure different things—such as permits, housing starts, affordable homes, transitional spaces and shelter beds—they have been kept separate.

Where provincial or federal money flows through City-administered programs, it has not automatically been characterized as Kingston property-tax spending.

Where project timetables have changed, the change is identified without assuming that a delay was either justified or unjustified.

Where a figure could not be responsibly reconciled—most notably the full year-by-year accounting against the additional $35-million road-repair commitment—it has been identified as incomplete rather than estimated.

No mayor, councillor or candidate is endorsed, opposed, ranked or assigned personal responsibility for system-wide results in this Report Card. Its purpose is to give Kingston voters a factual baseline from which to evaluate the promises being made for 2026–2030.

Tuesday, August 11, 2026

Québec’s Language Tests and Its Stand on Gender: Identity, Survival, and Fairness

 

Growing up in Québec in the 1940s-60s, English-speaking students like myself were required to pass a French language exam to graduate. No certificate, no diploma, without demonstrating competence in the language of the majority. At the time, it felt less like an opportunity for bilingualism and more like a government-imposed barrier, rooted not in fairness but in cultural insecurity.

History Cannot Be Rewritten

Let us not forget: the French lost the wars. The Treaty of Paris in 1763 ceded New France to Britain. Sovereignty passed decisively to the English Crown. Yet, despite losing politically and militarily, Québec’s French-speaking population refused to fade away. They clung fiercely to their language, their religion, and their civil law system. That persistence is admirable, but it does not give license, centuries later, to impose compulsory French language requirements on English-speaking students whose families were loyal citizens of Canada.

The Nationalist Logic

Québec’s nationalist project argues otherwise. The recent Rapport sur la laïcité (2025) insists that French, alongside secularism and gender equality, forms the very foundation of Québec’s identity. To them, French is not simply a language; it is the nation’s safeguard. Rejecting Canadian multiculturalism, the report states that French as the common language — together with laïcité — is the “prerequisite for social cohesion.” In this framing, the mandatory French test was never about fairness, but about national survival.

A Binary Foundation of Equality

The same report also makes clear that equality in Québec is anchored in the binary of women and men. It recommends that the law be amended to spell this out explicitly: “l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes.” By doing so, Québec draws a line against what many call “gender ideology creep.” While Canada embraces multiple self-declared identities — non-binary, gender-fluid, two-spirit — Québec’s laïcité affirms equality in the traditional sense: male and female, nothing more, nothing less.

This is more than semantics. It reflects Québec’s belief that true secularism protects women from patriarchal religious practices, not by multiplying categories, but by enforcing equality between the two sexes.

The Problem of Coercion

But here lies the contradiction: if French is strong enough to be the cornerstone of identity, why force it upon others through compulsion? True confidence in a culture comes from openness, not coercion. Compelling English-speaking students to pass a French test in the 1960s — and continuing to entrench similar requirements today — undermines the very values Québec claims to defend: freedom of conscience, equality, and fairness.

The same risk applies to gender: by fixing equality narrowly on men and women, Québec may appear unbending to broader currents of Western liberalism. Yet, unlike the language test, here the firmness sends a clear cultural message — Québec defines equality on its own terms.

Toward a Healthier Model

Bilingualism should be celebrated, not enforced. Québec could lead by encouraging young people to see French as an asset in a global world, not as a mandatory gatekeeper. Likewise, on equality, it could present its binary model not as exclusionary but as principled: an insistence that male and female both matter equally, without dilution.

Bottom Line: Whether in language or in gender, Québec has chosen to stand firm against accommodation and ideological drift. The challenge is ensuring that firmness does not become coercion. True cultural survival must inspire confidence, not resentment.

 https://nationalpost.com/opinion/anglo-quebecers-deserve-better-government


Sunday, July 26, 2026

Affordability: Biden's Full Term vs. Trump's Second Term to Date


What the Official Numbers Tell Voters About Inflation, Wages, and Purchasing Power

When Americans shop for groceries, fill their gas tanks, or pay the rent, they don't purchase political promises, they purchase necessities.

Every election cycle, politicians promise to make life more affordable. Supporters highlight successes, opponents emphasize failures, and media coverage often focuses on isolated statistics rather than the broader picture.

But affordability should not be measured by campaign speeches or political talking points.

It should be measured by objective economic data.

Fortunately, those measures already exist.

Every month, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) publishes the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and average hourly earnings—two of the most widely accepted indicators used by economists to evaluate inflation, wages, and household purchasing power.

The question therefore becomes straightforward:

How does Joe Biden's Democratic Party's full four-year administration compare with Donald Trump's Republican Party's second term so far, using exactly the same official measures?

Understanding Affordability

Affordability is not determined by the price of one product or one month's inflation report.

Instead, economists generally evaluate affordability using three fundamental measurements:

  • the annual rate of inflation,
  • the cumulative increase in consumer prices, and
  • whether wages are keeping pace with those prices.

When wages rise faster than inflation, purchasing power improves.

When inflation rises faster than wages, purchasing power declines.

Using those measures provides a far clearer picture than focusing on isolated headlines.

Inflation: Average Pace and Total Price Increases

The Bureau of Labor Statistics shows a clear difference between the two periods.

Metric

Biden (Jan. 2021–Jan. 2025)

Trump Second Term (Jan. 2025–June 2026)

Average annual inflation

4.95%

3.14%

Cumulative CPI increase

21.8%

5.0%

Highest 12-month inflation

9.1% (June 2022)

4.2% (May 2026)

Most recent 12-month inflation

2.9% (2024 average)

3.5% (June 2026)

During President Biden's four-year administration, consumer prices increased by approximately 22 percent overall.

During Donald Trump's second term to date, consumer prices have risen approximately 5 percent.

Equally important, the average annual inflation rate has been about 1.8 percentage points lower during the current administration than during Biden's full term.

Real Wages: The Measure That Matters Most

Inflation alone does not determine affordability.

The more meaningful question is whether workers' wages have kept pace with rising prices.

Using annualized averages from official BLS data:

Annualized Measure

Biden

Trump (to date)

Average wage growth

4.72%

3.50%

Average inflation

4.95%

3.14%

Purchasing power

−0.23%

+0.36%

Using these annualized comparisons, inflation slightly exceeded wage growth during the Biden administration, resulting in a modest decline in average purchasing power.

During Trump's second term so far, average wage growth has modestly exceeded average inflation, leaving purchasing power slightly ahead on an annualized basis

Everyday Household Essentials

Looking beyond the overall inflation rate reveals how everyday necessities have behaved relative to wages.

Category

Biden Average Annual Increase

Trump Average Annual Increase

Food at home

5.3%

2.7%

Shelter

5.6%

3.3%

Electricity

6.5%

4.0%

Apparel

2.9%

3.9%

Gasoline

10.2%

4.3%

New vehicles

4.8%

0.3%

Used vehicles

8.8%

–1.4%

Auto insurance & repairs

11.4%

2.4%

Several observations emerge.

Food inflation has slowed considerably.

Housing costs remain elevated but have moderated.

Vehicle prices have largely stabilized.

Auto insurance inflation has cooled dramatically.

Some categories, including clothing and electricity, continue to experience upward pressure, partly reflecting tariff changes and infrastructure costs.

Overall, however, a larger share of household necessities has been increasing more slowly relative to wage growth than during the previous administration.

Why Many Families Still Feel Financial Pressure

One important distinction is frequently overlooked in public debate.

Inflation measures how quickly prices are rising, not whether prices return to previous levels.

If inflation falls from 8 percent to 3 percent, prices are still increasing.

They are simply increasing more slowly.

Consequently, households continue to feel the effects of the significant price increases experienced during 2021 through 2023.

Lower inflation does not erase earlier increases.

It merely slows the pace of future increases.

Understanding this distinction helps explain why many Americans still feel financially stretched even though inflation has moderated considerably.

Tax Policy and Disposable Income

Inflation is only one component of affordability.

Take-home pay also matters.

The recently enacted One Big Beautiful Bill Act introduced several temporary federal tax deductions, including provisions related to qualified overtime, reported tips, and interest paid on eligible new U.S.-assembled vehicles.

For many hourly workers and service employees who qualify, these deductions may increase disposable income and partially offset higher living costs.

The precise benefit depends upon each taxpayer's income, employment circumstances, and eligibility.

 What These Numbers Do and Do Not Prove

Economic outcomes are influenced by far more than presidential policy alone.

Inflation reflects numerous factors, including Federal Reserve monetary policy, global energy markets, supply-chain disruptions, wars, productivity, consumer demand, fiscal policy, and international events.

Therefore, these comparisons should not be interpreted as proving that every economic outcome resulted solely from one administration's decisions.

However, they do provide voters with a consistent, objective framework for comparing the economic environment experienced under different administrations using the same official measures.

Bottom Line for Voters

Based on the official Bureau of Labor Statistics data available today, several conclusions emerge.

The average annual inflation rate has been lower during Donald Trump's second term to date than during Joe Biden's full four-year administration.

Average wage growth has slightly exceeded inflation during the current period, whereas inflation slightly outpaced wage growth over Biden's full term.

Many major household expenses, including groceries, housing, vehicle prices, and auto insurance, have also experienced slower rates of increase relative to wages than during the previous administration, although some categories, such as electricity and apparel, continue to face upward pressures.

The substantial price increases that occurred between 2021 and 2023 continue to affect household budgets because lower inflation slows future increases rather than reversing previous ones.

Nevertheless, using the official measures of inflation, wage growth, and purchasing power available today, the economic data indicate that household affordability has performed more favourably during Donald Trump's second term to date than during Joe Biden's full administration.

Financing Costs, Price Levels, and Why Many Families Still Feel Financial Pressure

Although the pace of inflation has slowed, two important realities continue to affect household budgets: financing costs and the higher overall price level left by the inflation surge of 2021–2023.

First, borrowing remains expensive. As of mid-2026, the average 30-year fixed mortgage rate remains around 6.5% to 6.7%, while many credit cards continue to carry interest rates exceeding 20%. Consequently, even when home or vehicle prices stabilize, monthly payments remain substantially higher than they would have been when mortgage rates were near 3% in 2021. Financing costs therefore remain a significant burden for many families.

Second, inflation measures the rate at which prices increase—not the level of prices. A slower inflation rate does not reverse earlier price increases; it simply means prices are rising more slowly.

Using the Consumer Price Index, a basket of goods and services that cost approximately $100 when President Biden took office in January 2021 now costs roughly $122. Most of that increase occurred during 2021 through 2024. Since January 2025, prices have risen by approximately another $5.

Recent federal tax changes may provide some relief for eligible workers. Temporary deductions for qualified overtime premiums, reported tips, and interest paid on qualifying U.S.-assembled vehicle loans increase disposable income for many middle-income households, although the benefits gradually phase out at higher income levels.

Meanwhile, real average hourly earnings have remained broadly stable over the past year, while unemployment has remained relatively low at approximately 4.2%.

Taken together, these facts help explain why two seemingly contradictory observations can both be true.

The annual pace of inflation has moderated, and affordability has improved relative to the previous four years according to official inflation and wage measures.

At the same time, many families continue to feel financially stretched because they are living with the cumulative effects of earlier price increases, elevated borrowing costs, and housing expenses that remain historically high.

Understanding both realities is essential to understanding the true state of affordability.

Restoring Accountability

Affordability should never be reduced to a campaign slogan, a selective headline, or a single monthly statistic chosen to support a political narrative.

Voters deserve comparisons based on the same measurements, over clearly defined periods, using official and publicly available data. That means distinguishing between the rate of inflation and the overall price level, comparing wage growth with the rising cost of living, and acknowledging both improvements and continuing pressures.

No president controls every economic force. Interest rates, wars, energy markets, supply chains, Federal Reserve decisions, productivity, taxation, and government spending all influence household finances. Political leaders must nevertheless remain accountable for the policies they adopt, the conditions over which they exercise influence, and the results experienced by citizens.

Accountability also requires intellectual honesty from the media, economists, political parties, and voters themselves. Facts should not become credible only when they favour one side, nor be dismissed merely because they favour the other.

The evidence available to date does not show that every affordability problem has disappeared. Prices remain high, housing remains difficult for millions of families, and several essential costs continue to rise faster than wages.

But the same evidence does show that inflation has increased at a slower average annual rate during Donald Trump’s second term to date than during Joe Biden’s full administration, while wage growth has performed somewhat more favourably relative to inflation.

That conclusion should not be exaggerated.

Nor should it be concealed.

In a responsible democracy, citizens should judge governments neither by personality nor partisan loyalty, but by measurable results.

Affordability begins with household purchasing power.

Accountability begins with telling voters the truth about it.