Gaza, Genocide, and the Propaganda Machine

 Allegations that Israel committed genocide in Gaza (2023–2025) are factually false. They rest on manipulated data, Hamas propaganda, and uncritical amplification by UN agencies, NGOs, and media.

Israel must be judged on facts, not fabrications. The Hamas-UN-NGO propaganda machine spreads falsehoods that delegitimize Israel and undermine international law itself. And the world must recognize the danger of genocide inflation — before it becomes the excuse for the next real genocide.

The Gaza war was brutal. Innocent people died. Israel made mistakes, and Hamas committed crimes against its own civilians. But the charge of genocide? It is a lie, born of Hamas propaganda, legitimized by flawed UN and NGO reporting, and echoed by a lazy global media.

The war between Israel and Hamas from October 7, 2023, through June 2025 was bloody, tragic, and devastating. Tens of thousands were killed, and Gaza’s civilian population endured immense suffering. But the charge that Israel committed genocide is not just false — it is a calculated propaganda weapon. It is designed to delegitimize Israel while cheapening the very meaning of genocide itself.

The Starvation Myth

For nearly two years, NGOs, UN agencies, and media outlets echoed the claim that Israel intentionally starved Gaza. The “evidence”? The 500 trucks per day figure, supposedly the minimum for survival. In reality, before the war, the daily average was 292 trucks, of which just 73 carried food.

From October 2023 until the January 2025 ceasefire, Israel allowed more food into Gaza than before the war. Famine projections — such as the UN IPC’s claim of 78,582 hunger deaths by January 2025 — never materialized. Life expectancy and infant mortality rates in Gaza were improving until Hamas launched its war.

Israel’s March 2025 halt of aid was a mistake and deserves criticism. But even then, Gaza still had months of food stocks, looted by Hamas and local armed groups. This was not genocide — it was war distorted by propaganda.

Hamas’s Human Shield Strategy

Gaza was the most fortified urban battlefield in modern history: a 500 km tunnel network with 5,700 shafts, deliberately interwoven with homes, schools, hospitals, and mosques. Hamas fighters wore civilian clothes, launched rockets from UN facilities, and booby-trapped entire neighbourhoods.

Civilian deaths were not just collateral to Hamas — they were a deliberate tactic to generate outrage abroad and constrain Israel’s operations. Any serious analysis of Gaza’s casualties must account for Hamas’s strategy. Most NGOs and journalists never did.

The Massacre Narrative

Propaganda painted a picture of Israeli soldiers mowing down civilians, executing children, and slaughtering families. The evidence? Thin to nonexistent. Out of more than 50,000 deaths reported, only 61 cases had any credible forensic backing for deliberate killing by Israeli troops.

There is no evidence of systematic massacres. No videos, no photographs, no mass graves — nothing comparable to Syria’s sectarian killings, ISIS in Mosul, or even Hamas’s own atrocities on October 7.

Some Israeli soldiers may have committed war crimes. Those cases must be investigated and punished. But isolated crimes are not genocide. The narrative of mass executions is a Hamas fabrication eagerly recycled by NGOs hungry for headlines.

The Indiscriminate Bombing Lie

Accusations of “carpet bombing” crumble under scrutiny. The IDF took unprecedented precautions: phone calls, text messages, leaflets, and “roof-knock” warnings to evacuate civilians. Hundreds of operations were vetoed over proportionality concerns.

Fatalities in Israel’s designated “safe zones” were only 2–3.5% of total deaths — proof that these zones, while not immune, were indeed safer. Claims of “civilian death quotas” (e.g., 20 per Hamas fighter) were never substantiated and are flatly false.

Yes, civilians died in horrifying numbers. But this was the nature of a war fought in one of the most densely packed battlefields on Earth — not proof of intent to annihilate.

The Casualty Count Manipulation

For years Hamas’s Gaza Health Ministry has ordered combatants listed as “innocent civilians.” During this war, the pattern repeated. Early claims that 70% of casualties were women and children were false. Updated lists show women and minors made up ≈50.7%, while most adult males were combatants.

Hamas’s figures included natural deaths, inflated child numbers, and quietly deleted thousands of “verified” victims. Yet UN agencies, Western governments, and even some Israeli critics parroted the numbers uncritically.

The UN/NGO Bias Pattern

This is not new. In the 1990s, the UN claimed half a million Iraqi children had died under sanctions. It was a lie — later admitted, but long after it had shaped world opinion. The same pattern repeated in Gaza: alarmist claims amplified; corrections buried.

This “humanitarian bias” — believing the worst, repeating it without verification, and refusing to retract loudly — fuels propaganda and delegitimizes international law.

Genocide Inflation

Throwing the word “genocide” at every bloody urban conflict does not protect victims. It destroys the word’s meaning. Real genocides — the Holocaust, Rwanda, Yazidis under ISIS — involved deliberate campaigns of extermination. Gaza does not.

If every war marked by urban destruction and tragic civilian deaths is labelled genocide, the world will lose the ability to confront actual genocides when they come. Hamas and its enablers are not just lying about Israel — they are weakening the very laws meant to prevent future atrocities.

Conclusion: Truth Without Blinkers

The Gaza war was brutal. Innocent people suffered and died. But genocide? No. That accusation is a propaganda weapon forged by Hamas, fueled by NGOs and UN echo chambers, and spread by a credulous media.

Israel should be judged on facts, not fabrications. And the world must wake up to the danger of genocide inflation before it becomes a license for the next real genocide.

SOURCE:

https://besacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/213-2.9.2025-Edited.pdf